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Delta and SEAL Operators Could Have Captured Escobar in Three Weeks But Politics Prevented Action

Danger Close · Danger Close | The Fourth Option Podcast: Steve Murphy & Javier Peña · May 13, 2026
Delta and SEAL Operators Could Have Captured Escobar in Three Weeks But Politics Prevented Action
Danger Close
Danger Close
Danger Close | The Fourth Option Podcast: Steve Murphy & Javier Peña
"Those first few weeks they had specific locations where we could have responded to. Looking back on it all now, we believe that had those special operators been allowed to do their job that they're trained to do, we think Pablo would have been recaptured within 3 weeks, certainly not more than 3 months."
Steve Murphy stated that U.S. special operations forces including Delta Force and Navy SEALs had precise intelligence on Escobar's location within weeks of his 1992 prison escape but were prohibited from conducting operations by Pentagon orders and a weak Colombian colonel. Murphy asserted the 18-month manhunt could have ended in three weeks, meaning thousands died needlessly because politics prevented elite operators from doing their job. The operators provided intelligence but were forbidden from going outside the wire.

About this episode

In this episode, host Jack Carr interviews former DEA agents Steve Murphy and Javier Peña, the real-life manhunters who spent 18 months tracking Pablo Escobar in Colombia during the early 1990s. The conversation reveals explosive details about their operation that contradict official narratives and the Netflix series Narcos based on their story. Most significantly, Peña discloses that their Colombian National Police commander explicitly ordered them to kill Escobar rather than arrest him, and that the CIA station chief threatened Peña with treason charges for sharing intelligence with Colombian forces. Murphy states that U.S. special operations forces had precise locations on Escobar within weeks of his 1992 escape but were prevented from acting by Pentagon restrictions and a weak Colombian commander, meaning the manhunt could have ended in three weeks instead of 18 months. The agents describe Escobar's reign of terror, which his top assassin later claimed killed 50,000 people including women and children through car bombs at shopping malls, assassination of a presidential candidate, and systematic targeting of police officers with $100 bounties. They also reveal they were protected by Don Berna, who they later learned led Los Pepes vigilante death squad and became a major trafficker himself after Escobar's death. Throughout, Murphy and Peña emphasize the importance of boots-on-ground intelligence sharing, critique interagency turf wars that hampered operations, and draw parallels to today's fentanyl crisis where 70,000 Americans die annually. The conversation covers their recruitment into DEA, the chaos of 1980s Miami during the cocaine cowboy era, Escobar's negotiated surrender into his own luxury prison, his eventual escape, and the final rooftop shootout where Colombian forces killed him. Both agents express frustration that politicians and CIA wanted credit while special operators who could have ended it quickly were sidelined by bureaucracy.

Key takeaways

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